Visualizzazione post con etichetta grammatica. Mostra tutti i post
Visualizzazione post con etichetta grammatica. Mostra tutti i post

lunedì 1 aprile 2013

ANDRE' MARTINET/7 ARMONIA E' ECONOMIA


Conversazione con André Martinet
André Martinet/1 Communication is our basic relevancy
André Martinet/2 Language articulates what we feel into a succession of items
André Martinet/3 Pregiudizi linguistici
André Martinet/4 Cosa c'è dietro le parole
André Martinet/5 La lingua non è simmetrica 
André Martinet/6 A volte le parole non bastano

Nikolaj Sergeevič Trubeckoj
(
Mosca, 15 aprile 1890 – Vienna, 25 giugno 1938)
How did you start studying linguistics and which of your professors influenced you the most?
I started as a child. I discovered phonology by myself, before prague, at the age of six. I remember things very well because actually my parents were teachers. They were school teachers from one place to another, therefore I can always locate my experience, at this point, between that age and that age. And thus I know that between the age of five and seven, around seven let's say, I solved a number of problems of French phonology, not knowing it and, of course, I didn't mention it to anybody: people would have thought I was crazy, because in those days, that a kid, seven years old, could ask such questions must have sounded ridiculous. Actually my mother would have understood, because she was pretty good at it, but I didn't know that, so I didn't mention it to anybody.
That's the way I started. Therefore, when later on I read the Prague things I said: "That's fine: they give me tools, they give me the principle of relevancy", which is just the principle with which I myself operated, but I had no names for it. I was happy to have a name. i could say: now, this is the way I operated when I was a child. My problem all my life has been the fact that I had been thinking about things before people gave me the words for it. i could not at the age of seven invent a word for phonology, but I could raise problems.
My first problem was: do I pronounce the same thing when I say [gaɲe] and [panje]? My answer was: I don't, "I" don't, but maybe other people confuse, and that's true. This is a sounding problem and it's being eliminated in French at the present and not the way I thought it would be, namely the way people did in Savoy, my native province: by confusing the [n] in favor of the [ɲ] sound([paɲe] just like [gaɲe]), but the reverse: they are saying [ganie] just like [panie], which is interesting, because the number of cases in which you have in French the succession /n/, /i/, is much more frequent than the situation when you have /g/, /n/, therefore it's economy. Economy is extended in that way. This is just a demonstration of the way I approached the problem.
And, of course, later on, when I read the Prague things, I said: "well, beautiful, they gave me the tools". So I established contacts with them and that's the way I worked. But I never was exactly in agreement with anybody specifically. I was very close to Trubeckoj. He was the closest to me, but at the same time Trubeckoj was, what I'm not, a mystical man, you see... Very strange. I knew that because I talked with his son-in-law: he told me he was a mystical man. And he operated with the notion of harmony, vowel-harmony, presenting a nice system, that would be the proof of the harmony. But to me harmony doesn't mean anything. It's economy.
You see, a system like that is what? It is never regular, it is just economical, because it takes advantage of all the combinations of different possibilities. That's the reason for which there would be an orientation in language to use it, because it is economical to re-use the system, but not beyond what is economical. In other words, you can observe that some combinations, some theoretically possible combinations, are no good, because they are too difficult to make or to maintain.

venerdì 29 marzo 2013

QUESTIONI DI CUORE, MA NON SOLO

L'Oxford English Dictionary lo considera una voce e gli attribuisce il significato di to heart. Un disegno dunque, quello del cuore, entra a far parte a tutti gli effetti del dizionario e presumibilmente è il primo di una serie piuttosto lunga.
Dovremo rivedere la nostra cultura della catalogazione della lingua? E, ancora di più, come è cambiato il rapporto tra segno e significato?
Ne parla qui Francesca Chiusaroli, nellla sezione "Che carattere" del blog www.scritturebrevi.it .
Vi consiglio vivamente la lettura.

venerdì 22 marzo 2013

ANDRE' MARTINET/5 LA LINGUA NON E' SIMMETRICA

Conversazione con André Martinet
André Martinet/1 Communication is our basic relevancy
André Martinet/2 Language articulates what we feel into a succession of items
André Martinet/3 Pregiudizi linguistici
André Martinet/4 Cosa c'è dietro le parole

As it seems that there is a general consensus on the importance of the study of phonology in the Nineteenth Century and, conversely, as it is not the same for the study of syntax, which has a very complex and fragmentary background, I would like to know why you chose the term syntax for that part of your study dedicated to the analysis of the monemes?
No, first of all, you seem to hint upon the problem of the connection betwwen the phonology side of the picture and the rest of the picture.
Now, I would say the first thing we have to remember is that in contraddistinction to practically all linguists and in any case in contraddistinction to the hjelmslevians, I don't operate with isomorfic systems. I don't think that whatever is good for the signifiant is good for the signifié (they oppose signifiant-signifié in the saussurian way).
I have a sign and my sign has signifiant-signifié and my point of view is that they shouldn't be put on the same level, because as soon as the unit is a significant unit, the meaning of that unit is decisive, not the form. While those people who operate with signifiant-signifié think that phonology covers the signifiant and, well, the rest should be covered by I don't know what name, but that doesn't make any difference. You know, with the double articulation you start from the sentence, that is, a text or a segment of a text, in which the relationships have a status. They have sense within this status.
So, that's the first part of it and then the second part of the double articulation is the second articulation, which is very different, which has no bearing upon meaning at all. I see no relationship between the two sides, not the way the hjelmslevians do, because they want to find on the one side what they find on the other side. I don't care about that. I don't care about presenting something which is not symmetrical. Nature is not symmetrical and language is not symmetrical, because if you have the double articulation, if you know very well that on the one hand you have a lot of units, it is necessary to have a lot of distinct significant units, because you have to describe the world, and on the other hand you have a minimal number of distinctive units because those are the tools, plain tools with no function, no value, except in reference to expressing the world.
You see, we should really try to understand what we are operating with. What strikes me is... take for example something I mentioned yesterday*: my objection to Hjelmslev is that, because in a language like latin and most European languages, substantives can be used in the singular or as a plural, and, at the same time, used in a certain case, he concluded that there was a natural relationship between case and number, which is ridiculous. It just happens to coincide there.
And this, of course, would not strike people if, instead of endings, you had had prepositions, because the prepositions would be there. And if the number had been indicated by means of numbers, you would again have something totally different.
So, from the point of view of signification, which is foundamental when we tackle problems of the first articulation, we should, of course, reckon with the fact that those coincide in the form... usually in such a way - a cohincidence is such - that you cannot tell what is number and what is case. Take for example rosarum in Latin. well, which is the stem? You don't even know. The stem would be rosa- and the ending would be -arum. What is the plural and what is the case? It's just amalgamation. Functionally... it is just morphology and we shouldn't fall victims to morphology. And that's what those people, those hjelmslevians, do all the time.
They insist on the substance. I don't mention substance, because I know very well I would have to operate with substance at a certain point. if I don't operate with substance, I cannot tell what's the difference between this and that. They are so abstract in their approach and they don't care about it. At a certain point they don't care about saying what distinguishes this from that and, later on, they have to create a new science in order to explain why finally they reckoned with substance. There you are. And the very fact that they create something they call semiotics, induces a lot of people to prepare a semiotic which has nothing whatever to do with what real semiotics should be.
Have you read my wife's book La Clée puor la semiology? She presents the writing system in a semiotic system. We, as linguists, should consider a language as basic and everything connected with language should belong to linguistics and not to semiotics. Semiotics is the science where all the systems which may be used for communication are studied and compared with each other.

So, semiotics is interdisciplinary...
Exactly, but we linguists start with languages. We should be interested in linguistics and not try to start with semiotics before we have finished with languages. Languages are a semiotic system, but a very special one. It is the only one where you can find just those elements which we present in the definition of a language.


*Comunicazione di André Martine al convegno Hjelmslev oggi: Une relecture de Hjelmslev, San Marino 12 ottobre 1993

lunedì 11 marzo 2013

ANDRE' MARTINET/2 LANGUAGE ARTICULATES WHAT WE FEEL IN A SUCCESSION OF ITEMS

Conversazione con André Martinet


After talking about your approach, how would you define the subject of your study?
We are studying "languages": plural. We are not studying "language". Language in general comes later: when we have studied many languages, we may get an idea of what language, in general, is. And, of course, from the start we have to determine what we want to call a language and that is the starting point of all my linguistics, called the "double articulation". You asked a question about the double articulation in the letter you sent to me. So, this is fundamental.
As I said yesterday*, I'm thankful to Hjelmslev for suggesting to me we had to make that sort of decision: a stipulation. I haven't studied all languages, therefore I can't tell that there are things we can find in all languages, unless we mean that we are going to call languages a tool of communication, which presents these features. And those basic features are: articulation of what we want to say into a succession of items. Why is it a succession of items? Because we talk, we speak. When we use the voice it has to be a succession, and those people** don't understand that. We are faced with that.
The language of the deaf is interesting: in that case you have a double articulation, but because of the nature of the tool they use to communicate, they don't have to make it so successive as we do. Those features, corresponding to our phonemes, are coincident, because they use their hands, their left hand, their right hand, their face, the position of the body, everything. So, the situation is different. It's very interesting to study that language, because we understand what our language, normal language is, in that respect.
So, we have that succession, even if there are exceptions of that succession; those exceptions are the tones. Tones are not situated in languages in the same way as the phonemes: you have a succession of phonemes and the tones are on top of that. All languages have phonemes, only some languages have tones. That is very fundamental, you see? In Swedish for example you have tones and in Danish you don't have tones, but you have the residue of the distinction between tones. We can say that tones are very interesting when you have a language with tones, but this is not a fundamental feature of all those languages we have met. We are not going to decide not to call this or that a language on account of that.
We know what we want to study in languages: we study instruments of communication articulating what we feel and what we perceive in a succession of items which we call monemes. Some people call them morphemes, but iti is very confusing, because some people restrict morpheme to grammatical items. Most American linguists would say thay the /-s/ of /books/ is not the same morpheme as the /-n/ of /oxen/. They are right, because morphemes meant form, therefore they were perfectly right, therefore the word morpheme is no good. And it is ridiculous to insist in the notion of form in the case of morpheme which is a significant unit, because, as soon as you have a significant unit, what is important is the signification and not the form.
We have to forget about the forms and I hope you noticed what I say about morphology. Morphology is not the study of declension. Morphology is the listing of all cases in which the same moneme has different forms. In French you have a moneme which means to go: when you use the first person you say vais, second person you say vas, plural you say allows, future you say ira, etc. . Why do we have so many exceptional forms for the verb to go? Because it is a very common form, children learn it very early and they learn the different forms, so they will never identify, just because at a certain point they are not clever enough to identify... to know that ira is the future of alley. They don't put it in that way, but of course they react in that way. So they don't correct it, but if the verb is a rare form they will identify the form.

I have an example: Italian children lerning English often say goed instead of went and that, I think, because they learn morpholgy first and then they apply that to communication...
Because learning the foreign language is initially to learn the morphology, not to go wrong. And people are so impressed by it. That's ridiculous, it's a blemish in a language: morphology is a blemish, it's ridiculous.

Do you mean that it is not economical, because one has to make an effort to learn things he could learn in an easier way?
Exactly: if it went all through the language, it would be easier, because you would have the analogy of all the words, but it doesn't. So, children learn frequent words first with all the morphology, and later on they try to improve on the language, and of course they are corrected by the schoolmasters and the parents: "What's that?",  "You shouldn't say that!", "You shouldn't say allerons", for example.
So, that's the first articulation, and then the features the language is the second articulation.
For everyone of those units which have separate monemes we have a form or several forms as we have just seen, but of course there is, at least, and preferably, one form. For example, you'll have the form for table. We could very well imagine a language where you have just a form for that, kind of a grunt, which would mean table, but it wouldn't be too economical, because differentiating between grunts is a problem, whereas differentiating between well-articulated units makes things much easier.
With twenty different units you can have a language, Spanish, for example, American Spanish. Well, in Italian you get a little more, in French you get more, but... You have some languages in the Caucasus where you have up to eighty phonemes, because they don't have vowels. They have vowel versus absence of vowel: you distinguish whether the word or the syllabi  has a vowel or the vowel is not there, but you cannot distinguish between the different vowels, because the quality of the vowel is determined by that of the consonant. After a [b] what can you have? The only thing you can have is a [ə]. So, you know the distinction: the [b] determines the quality of the vowel you have there.
Anyway, that's for the phonemes. We have seen the distinction between  phonemes and tones. Now, what about the rest? What remains to be mentioned in the field of phonetics?
You have the accent, or stress, whatever you call it. Stress is stressing too much the notion of stress. Accent is meaningless, because accent includes the word for to sing (accento, canto...). Anyway the words are not very good, but we know what we are talking about when we say accent. The accent of course may combine with tones. For example, in Chinese you have words without accent and no tones, I mean the tone distinctions are not retained in Chinese if the syllable is not accented. If the syllable is accented then get four different tones in normal, standard Chinese.
All this is very important. The accent is very important, particularly for people who don't have it, like the French. Just awful, the French cannot grasp the equivalent. When we read Latin, do you think we stress it in the right way? We couldn't. No french child could stress it. Even the teacher could.t street. Even people who have an accent could have problems with Latin.

*Comunicazione di André Martine al convegno Hjelmslev oggi: Une relecture de Hjelmslev, San Marino 12 ottobre 1993
**Riferito agli studiosi presenti al convegno

Anche: http://www.scritturebrevi.it/2013/03/13/andre-martinet2-aboccachiusa/